Essequebo and Demerary Royal Gazette 1811 September 24


Vol. VI.]

[No. 409.


C. N. BOLLERS, Esq. having been elected a Member of the Honble. Court of Justice of this Colony, in the room of the Honble. J. VAN DEN PAADEVOORT, was sworn in, and did take his seat in Court at its last Session accordingly.
Court-House, Stabroek, 21st September, 1811.
P. F. TINNE, Dep. Sec.

                  Commissariat Office,
                  Demerary, 23d September, 1811.
FOR the following BILLS OF EXCHANGE drawn by the Deputy Paymaster General, on the Right Honble. the Paymasters General of His Majesty's Forces, London, at Thirty Days Sight: -
No. 3319 . . . 200.
3320 . . . . 200.
3321 . . . . 200.
3322 . . . . 100.
3323 . . . . 100.
3324 . . . . 100.
3325 . . . . 100.
----- 1000 Sterlg.
Tenders in Quadruplicate only, endorsed "Tenders for Bills of Exchange," will be received at this Office until Monday next the 30th Inst. at 9 o'Clock in the morning, when they will be opened in presence of the Officer Commanding His Majesty's Troops, and the highest, if approved, accepted.
Assist. Coms. Gen.

                  OFFICE OF ORDNANCE,
                  Demerary, 23d Sept. 1811.
FOR BILLS OF EXCHANGE to be drawn on the principal Officers of His Majesty's Ordnance, in London, for 1350 Sterling, at Thirty days' sight, in sums not under 50 each. Also the further sum of 300 for Bills to be drawn on Paymasters of the Royal Artillery and Royal Engineers, in like manner.
Sealed Tenders for which, endorsed "Tenders for Bills on the Board of Ordnance," or "On Messrs. Greenwood & Cox," will be received by the Subscriber till 10 o'Clock in the Morning on Monday next, the 30th Instant, when they will be opened in the presence of his Excellency the Governor, or Officer commanding the Troops, and, if approved, accepted.
Ordnance Store-keeper and Paymaster.
The Bills on Messrs. Greenwood & Cox must be paid for in Joes or Silver Money.

For Sale by the Subscribers,
Prime Newfoundland Cod Fish,
in 3, 4, 6, and 8, Quintal Casks,
Sept. 24th. OWEN KERNAN and Co.
They will give Cash for 30 puncheons Rum.

JUST received by the Brig Claud Scott, J. R. Stroyan, Master, from Nova Scotia, a choice cargo of Lumber, and a few Black Spruce Spars, of the first quality, fit for colony-craft, which will be disposed of on reasonable terms by
Cumingsburg, SIMSON, GRANT & Co.
Sept. 24.

SOME time ago, a Negro Girl, named Sally, of the Mandingo nation, short, and stout made, with her country marks in her face. Whoever will apprehend and deliver her to the Subscriber shall receive One Joe reward.
N.B. If she will return of her own accord she shall be forgiven. Sept. 24th.

A NEW PUNT, 36 feet by 12, laying in the Sluice Trench, in front of Pl. Vlissingen, for which produce will be taken in payment. Apply to HENEAGE WILLIAMS, Esq. or to the Subscriber.
Sept. 24th. H. B. FRASER.

And Entered on immediately.
THE Premises on Lot No. 11, lately occupied by O. KENRAN [sic – Kernan] and Co. in America-Street, East of the Vendue Office. Application for further particulars to be made to
Sept. 24th. WILLIAM GOOD.

HUGH MACKENZIE & Co. have imported in the Ship Diana, Capt. M'George, from Liverpool and Madeira, the following goods, which they offer for sale, at their Store, in Robb's Town:
[first column]
Best London particular Madeira wine, in pipes, hogsheads, and quarter-casks
Temper-lime, in kegs, wood hoops, 10, 11, 12, and 13 feet long
Salt in puncheons and barrels
Irish linen, white dowlas, Russia sheeting, furniture chintz, linen and cotton platillas
Ditto Britannias
Long lawns, corded dimity
Pink dotted muslin, dowlas
Marseilles, damask table-cloths
India salempores, green baize
Kerseymere, black sarsnetted cambric
Black bombazeen, cotton cambric
Oznaburghs, linen and cotton checks
Green lawn, musquito netting
Umbrellas, pullicate handkerchiefs
Ladies' straw bonnets
Ditto black silk hats
Superfine blue and black broad-cloths
Cotton hammocks
Ready-made clothes, consisting of coats, coatees, and round-robbins, assorted colours
Cambric neckcloths, 1/2 and full square
Lined and unlined jackets
Blankets, duck trowsers, and frocks
Kilmarnock caps, seine twine
Hair brooms, garden watering-cans
Block-tin tea-kettles, lanthorns
Hook-and-eye hinges, patent shot
[second column]
Plated candlesticks, with snuffers and trays, japanned ditto, with ditto
Brass ditto, plated bottle-stands
Wine-cocks, brass cover-plate locks, with knobs complete, steelyards
Window-pullies, sod-iron
Double and single bolted padlocks
Door and window slip-bolts
Shoe-brushes, saddlery, consisting of gentlemen's hog-skin saddles, with & without stuffed flaps
Stall-collars, with ropes
Queen's ware, assorted, viz, enamelled quart, pint, and half-pint, mugs, with or without covers, hand basons and water-ewers
Quart jugs, and chamberpots
Cups and saucers, water-decanters
Bowls, gallon, three, and two quarts
Blue-edged table plates
Glass-ware, carpenters' and coopers' tools, pumps, 5, 6, and 7, feet long
Cabouses, canvas No. 1, 2 & 3
Mast-hoops, blocks, grapnels, and anchors
Silver table spoons & ladles, tea ditto, ivory-handled knives and forks, with carvers
Paints and paint-oil
Lamp-oil, in jugs and barrels, mill-grease
Square and oval Sandwich trays
Refined sugar, barley
Hoffman's cherry and raspberry brandy
Stoughton's bitters
Best old Grenada rum,
&c. &c. &c.
[end columns]
Sept. 24th.

THE Subscribers offer for sale the cargo of the Brig Louisa, Cap. Cox, from Saint John's, Newfoundland, consisting of
Cod fish, in 8, 6, 4, and 3 puntal [sic] casks, and white oak staves and heading, for which rum and molasses will be received in payment, if delivered immediately.
Sep. 24. JAS. H. ALBOUY.
Also an excellent HORSE.

IN Stabroek, on the evening of the 22d inst. a GOLD WATCH, maker's name CROSTHWAITE, Dublin, having a small Venetian chain, attached to which was a white cornelian seal, set in gold, with a Dolphin-crest, under which are the letters C.P.K. also a flat gold key and two steel ones. As it is an old Family Watch, and goes badly, it will be of little use to any but the owner. A handsome reward will be given to any one who may have found it, by applying to the Printer of this Paper. Sept. 24.


[Transcriber's note: no new or modified vendues in this issue.]


This is to inform the
Public, that the following
Persons intend quitting this

Van het Secretary deezer
Colonie word geadverteerd,
dat de volgende Persoonen
van voorneemens zyn van hier
na elders te vertrekken, viz;

G. Healis, in 14 days, or 6 weeks, from August 7.
A. Simpson, of Plantation Kitty, in 14 days,
      or 6 weeks, from . . . . . . . . . . 19.
W. Seymour, in 14 days from . . . . . . . . . 22.
W. Hedges, in 14 days or 6 weeks, from . . . 23.
J. Walsh, and two servants, in 14 days or 3 weeks, 31.
E. Walsh, in 14 days . . . . . . . 31.
J. Koene, and his servant Charles, in 14 days from 5 Sept.
H. S. Parsons, do. . . . 11.
J. Smith, do. . . . . . 14.
D. Miller, do. . . . . . 19.

PURSUANT to an Order of the Honourable Court of Justice of this Colony, dated 17th of September, 1811, on the petition of the Curators to the Insolvent Estate of Henry Farley, deceased, and of the Representatives of Messrs. D. and G. Hall, as holders of the first Mortgage on Plantation Good Intent,
These are to notify, that the aforesaid Plantation Good Intent, situate in Mahayca, with twenty-five slaves, and other appurtenances, will be sold at public vendue, in the presence of the Commissaries of the Court, on the 8th of November next. Further particulars of the sale to be made known by the Vendue-Master.
Court-House, Stabroek, this 24th of Sept. 1811.
P. F. TINNE, Dep. Sec.

INGEVOLGE Appointement van den Edele Achtbaare Hove van Justitie deezer Colonie, d. d. 17 Sept. 1811, op de request van de Curateuren in den Boedel van wylen Henry Farley, en de Representanten van D. en G. Hall, als Houders van een Eerste Hypothecq op Pl. Good Intent,
Word hiermeede bekend gemaakt, dat ged. Plantage Good Intent, geleegen in Mahaica, met een getal van 25 Slaaven en verdere ap en dependentien, op den 8e November aanstaande, by publieke vendue, ten overstaan van Heeren Raaden Commissarissen en den Secretaris zal worden verkogt, waar van nadere advertentie door den Vendue Meester zal worden gedaan.
Actum ten Raadhuise, Stabroek, den 24e Sept. 1811.
P. F. TINNE, Dep. Sects.

Being still without arrivals from Europe, we have nothing of importance to announce in the present number.


There has been received from America a most singular production: it is an address to his contrymen [sic] from Mr. Smith, the late Secretary of State, on his resignation of office in that country. His work comes in a very practicable shape, both for being understood generally, and likewise for affording us the means of furnishing a comprehensive abstract of its contents; inasmuch as the topics on which it treats are numbered, so that we can copy those of peculiar interest to British readers, and supply an epitome of the rest.
His introduction explains the motives for his thus addressing his countrymen, which we subjoin:
"To the people of the United States I owe an exposition of the circumstances which have produced my resignation of the office of Secretary of State. This duty, irksome as it is, it is my purpose now to perform. It is unexpectedly devolved upon me by the irresistible necessity of obviating the honest misapprehensions of some and the wanton misrepresentations of others. Constrained, then, as I reluctantly am, to come forth, I have in the outset only to premise, that this exposition shall be nothing but a brief unvarnished statement of facts, with the superaddition of only such observations as may occasionally be necessary to a distinct understanding of the narration. My object is the vindication of myself: and if, in this vindication, there should be involved any serious questions as to Mr. Madison, it will only be because such a result is inevitable. In this undertaking, I have an eye to the storm that I will have to buffet - a storms that will be excited by the parasites of power; but I, at the same time, enjoy the consolation of having in my view the American axiom, 'Measures, and not men;' the distinguishing characteristic of the independent people of a representative Republic. Besides, it is a truth obvious to every understanding, and confirmed by universal experience, that, in all exertions of duty something is to be hazarded.'
"Mr. Madison's offer to me of a mission to Russia, which he has allowed to be 'of the utmost importance to the
'commerce of the United States, and the most honourable
'appointment abroad that is in the gift of our Government,' is demonstrative proof of his confidence in me, as to fidelity and as to capacity in public affairs.
"This offer was accompanied with many observations, in appearance respectfully made, as to the contrariety of opinion that had unhappily existed between him and myself with respect to certain measures and to certain nominations, and in which he seemed to glance, particularly at the Bills touching our foreign relations, that had been introduced by Mr. Macon, at the Session of 1809-10, and at the Non-intercourse law of the last Session. Although this language, in the offer of the mission, and in the accompanying observations, was not at all offensive, yet there were indications of embarrassment and awkwardness, that excited in my mind a doubt as to his real object. Under the influence of this suspicion, rising from my seat, I, with the decorum due to a President of the United States, distinctly informed him, that, owing to our different views of many subjects, I had, some time since, formed a determination to withdraw from his administration; that I had actually communicated to some of my friends this determination; and, to accomplish my purpose, I had been only waiting for an occasion wherein it could be effected without endangering conflicting agitations among our respective friends; and, in retiring from his room, I remarked to him, that I would duly consider whether the offer of the mission to Russia would afford such an opportunity. With inexpressible astonishment, however, I in a few days learned, that, during the last Session, certain Members of Congress had been enabled, in returning to their respective homes, to state, that this identical offer would be made to me with the view of putting Mr. Munroe in the department of State. This intelligence I, of course, mentioned, with a becoming indignation, to Mr. Madison, upon his application afterwards to me for the result of my reflections on the proposed mission. He immediately, but with evident confusion, protested that he had not, in any manner whatever, authorized such a report, or even such an idea. I replied, that I surely ought not to attribute to a President of the United States a transaction so base; but, as a report of so delicate a character had actually come forth, my sense of honour could not hesitate a moment in rejecting the offer of the mission; nor could I, upon the same principle, allow myself, under such circumstances, to retain my Commission of Secretary of State. I closed the conversation by remarking, with great composure, that there must have been in this affair a most shameful intrigue: and, with very great difficulty, I suppressed the inclination I felt to tell him, that of this intrigue he had inconsiderately been the dupe.
"The power of a President of the United States to remove any officer other than a Judge, will not be controverted: nor will any pretension be set up so absurd as a right to an office. But it is maintained, that this power cannot, consistently with the genius of our Government, and with the respect due to the Senate, be exercised, as under an arbitrary despotism, at the mere caprice of the chief; but that, in every such exercise of power, a President of the United States must necessarily act upon his own responsibility to his constituents for the rectitude of his motives. This brings me to the ground to be examined, namely, the measures alluded to by Mr. Madison, upon which has been founded his conduct towards me upon this occasion. Each, then, of the several measures, important or unimportant, in which there has been at any time, a difference of opinion between us, I will now, unreservedly, in distinct articles, present to the view of the American people, with a hope, perhaps delusive, that they will herein find an apology, if not a justification, in my behalf."
The first head relates to that letter wherein Mr. Smith demanded of Mr. Erskine, whether he had intimated to the British Government that an arrangement might be made with America, upon three specified conditions, to which America would consent, provided the English withdrew their Orders in Council of January and November, 1807. This letter appeared in the London paper of January 4, 1810; and Mr. Smith says nothing more of it than that the President was highly displeased with it.
No. 2 we transcribe:
"2d, There was a serious difference of opinion between Mr. Madison and myself upon the Bill touching our foreign relations, which was introduced by Mr. Macon early in the Session of 1809-10. The policy developed in that Bill became at once a subject of universal disapprobation. Not a word in its favour was to be found in any print. It was, therefore, most fortunately not forced upon the nation. In its place, however, was substituted the Act of May, 1810, which the voice of the people in the expression of their indignation, called Macon No. 2.
"All that odium, which these two bills had excited throughout the United States, was, by a certain management, fastened upon Mr. Macon and others. In these measures, as unwise as humiliating, Mr. Madison was not at all seen by his constituents. Not a suspicion was entertained that he had any participation in acts so poorly calculated to effectuate their professed purpose of avenging the insults, of repairing the injuries, and of maintaining the rights of the United States. To account, then, for the very acute sensibility of Mr. Madison as to these two bills, it has become indispensably necessary to the purpose of this address to draw the mysterious curtain that had [illegible]rt first entirely, and yet does in part veil these transactions and to state to my countrymen, that the reprobated Bills, usually called Macon's Bill No. 1, and Macon's Bill No. 2, were, in fact, the special contrivance of Mr. Madison himself; that they were his great and efficient measures of the session; that, instead of being recommended to Congress by the President himself, as the Constitution has wisely required, they were severally, through a certain medium, handed to Mr. Macon, to be, it would seem, by him recommended.
"Of these two measures, which were alike regardless of the prosperity and of the honour of the United States, I could not permit myself to be the advocate, and especially as I was well persuaded that the good-sense, the honourable principle, and the patriotic feelings of my countrymen would utterly condemn them."
No. 3 states Mr. Smith's objections to the President's message to Congress, calling upon them to bring forth the resources of the nation for the purpose "of avenging the insults, of repairing the injuries, and maintaining the rights, of the United States." This, [illegible] comprising affairs of neutral policy, we omit.
No. 4 relates, mixed [illegible], to the Non-Intercourse Law of last Session of Congress, are the supposed repeal of the Berlin and Milan Decrees. Under this head, Mr. Smith shews, that, even if the Berlin and Milan Decrees had been repealed, this was not the sole condition upon which the Non-intercourse was to be suspended towards France; but attached to this was another, and a most just one, that "a satisfactory pro-
"vision should be made for restoring the property lately seized
"by the order, or at the instance, of the French Government." Mr. Smith, however, shews that the Non-intercourse was withdrawn, by proclamation, against France, at the time "that
"M. Serurrier had officially communicated the fixed deter-
"mination of his Government not to restore the property that
"had been seized," and, as to the Berlin and Milan Decrees, he afterwards pr[illegible]es that they have never been repealed at all to this day.
No. 5 relates to a matter of domestic policy exclusively, upon which the President and Secretary differ.
Nos. 6 and 7 are, in relation to England, the most important of the who[illegible] - They follow:
"6th, Sensible, as I ever have been to the insults and injuries which the United States have received, again and again, from Great Britain, I have, at no time, been blind to the reiterated outrages of France. And, whatever may have been my view of the edicts and proceedings of either of these Powers, compared with those of the other, I, in my discussions with their respective functionaries, have invariably had my eye steadily on the rights, the interests, and the honour, of the United States. Never have I felt a disposition to identify my country with either of the belligerent nations. Never did I abstain from asserting the rights or from vindicating the honour of the United States, from an apprehension that either France or Great Britain might thereby be exhibited to the world in an odious point of view. The following draught of a letter to Gen. Armstrong was accordingly prepared by me, immediately after the letter of the D. of Cadore to which it refers, had been received. It was, in the usual form, laid before the President, for his approbation. He, however, objected to the sending of it. And, as there is reason to believe that this very letter constituted part of the ground of the hostility of Mr. Madison to me, it is but proper to give it publicity:

'Gen. Armstrong, Department of State, June -, 1810.
'Your letters of the -, with their respective inclosures, were received on the 21st day of May.
'In the note of the Duke of Cadore nothing can be perceived to justify the seizure of the American property in the ports of France, and in most of her allies. The facts, as well as arguments, which it has assumed, are confuted by events known to the world, and particularly by that moderation of temper which has invariably distinguished the conduct of this Government towards the belligerent nations. After a forbearance equalled only by our steady observance of the laws of neutrality, and of the immutable principles of justice, it is with no little surprise that the President discerns in the French Government a disposition to represent the United States as the original aggressor. An act of violence, which, under existing circumstances, is scarcely less than an act of war, necessarily required an explanation, which would satisfy, not only the United States, but the world. But the note of the Duke of Cadore, instead of a justification, has not furnished even a plausible palliation or a reasonable apology for the seizure of the American property.
'There has never been a period of time when the United States have ceased to protest against the British Orders in Council. With regard to the resistance which the United States may have deemed it proper to oppose such unlawful restrictions, it obviously belonged to the American Government alone to prescribe the mode. If a system of exclusion of the vessels and merchandize of the belligerent powers from our ports has been preferred to war - if municipal prohibition has been resorted to, instead of invasive retaliation, with what propriety can the Emperor of the French pretend to see in that method of proceeding any thing else than a lawful exercise of sovereign power? To construe the exercise of this power into a cause of warlike reprisal, is a species of dictation, which, could it be admitted, would have a tendency to subvert the sovereignty of the United States.
'France has converted our law of exclusion into a pretext for the seizure of the property of the citizens of the United States. This statute was also in force against the vessels of Great Britain. If its operation had been considered by the French Government as of sufficient efficacy to justify this pretended reprisal, that very operation, as it would have been more severely felt by Great Britain, ought also to have been considered as constituting a resistance to her Orders, the nonexistence of which resistance has been stated by the Duke of Cadore as the pretext for the act of violence exercised on the American property. The United States having resisted the British Orders, the real ground of complaint would seem to be, not so much that the American Government has not resisted a tax on their navigation, as that it has likewise resisted the French Decrees, which has assumed a prescriptive power over the policy of the United States, as reprehensible as the attempt of the British Government to levy contributions on our trade was obnoxious. Placed in a situation where a tax was proclaimed, on the one hand, and a rule of action, prescribed, on the other, the United States owed it to their own honour to resist, with corresponding measures, the cupidity of the one and the presumption of the other. When the American Government sees in the provisions of the British Orders an assumption of maritime power, in contravention of the law of nations, how can it fail also to perceive in the French Decrees the adoption of a principle equally derogatory and injurious to the neutral character of the United States?
'The pretension of subjecting American navigation to a tax, as advanced by the British Order of November, 1807, was in reality withdrawn by the Order of the 26th of April, 1809. Yet, ten months subsequent to the recal [sic] of that pretension, its alleged existence is made the basis of reproach against the American Government by the Emperor of the French. It would be fruitless to comment upon the disposition to insist upon the prevailing influence of a fact which no longer exists; which, when it did exist, was uniformly combated; and the final extinction of which was the manifest consequence of the measures of this Government.
'If the American Government had seized French vessels, as erroneously asserted in the note of the Duke of Cadore, the occurrence could only have been attributed to the temerity of their owners or commanders, who, after a previous notification, from the 1st of March to the 20th of May, of the act of exclusion, would have strangely presumed upon impunity in the violation of a prohibitory municipal law of the United States. Had France interdicted to our vessels all the ports within the sphere of her influence, and had she given a warning, of equal duration with that given by our law, there would have been no cause of complaint on the part of the United States. The French Government would not then have had the opportunity of exercising its power, in a manner as contrary to the forms as to the spirit of justice, over the property of the citizens of the United States.
'It was at all times in the power of France to suspend, with regard to herself, our acts of exclusion, of which she complains, by simply annulling or modifying her Decrees. Propositions to this effect have been made to our Government through you. They were not accepted. On the contrary, a policy was preferred which was calculated to produce any other result than that of a good understanding between the two countries. By the Act of Congress of the last session, an opportunity is again afforded to his Imperial Majesty to establish the most amicable relations between the United States and France. Let him withdraw or modify his Decrees; let him restore the property of our citizens, so unjustly seized; and a law of the United States exists which authorises the President to promote the best possible understanding with France, and to impose a system of exclusion against the ships and merchandize of Great Britain, in the event of her failing to conform to the same just terms of conciliation. In fine, as the Emperor will now be acquainted with the fact that no French vessels have been unlawfully seized in the ports of the United States, as the law of exclusion against the commerce of France is no more in operation, there can be no longer a solitary reasonable pretext for procrastinating the delivery of the American property detained by the French Government into the possession of the respective owners.
'These observations you will not fail to present to the view of the French Government, in order that the Emperor may learn that the United States insist upon nothing but their acknowledged rights, and that they still entertain a desire to adjust all differences with the Government of France, upon a basis equally beneficial to both nations.
I have the honour to be, &c.
Gen. Armstrong, &c. R. SMITH.'
"Instead of the animadversions contained in the aforegoing letter, the President directed the insertion of simply the following section in my letter of the 5th of June, 1810:
'As the "John Adams" is daily expected, and as your further communications by her will better enable me to adapt to the actual state of our affairs with the French Government the observations proper to be made in relation to their seizure of our property, and to the letter of the Duke of Cadore of the 14th of February, it is by the President deemed expedient not to make, at this time, any such animadversions. I cannot, however, forbear informing you, that a high indignation is felt by the President, as well as by the public, at this act of violence on our property, and at the outrage, both in the language and in the matter of the letter of the Duke of Cadore, so justly pourtrayed [sic] in your note to him of the 16th of March.'
"It is worthy of notice, that the last sentence of the above section was merely a communication to General Armstrong, personally, as to the impression made here by that outrage of the French Government, and that it was not an instruction to him to make the Emperor of the French acquainted with the high indignation felt on the occasion by the President and by the nation. It simply shews, that our executive had, at that time, but just resolution enough to impart to its own Minister the sentiments of indignation that had been here excited by the enormous outrage of the Rambouillet Decree, and by the insulting audacity of the Duke of Cadore's letter.
"7th, Previously to the meeting of Congress last autumn, I expressed to Mr. Madison my apprehension that the Emperor of France would not bona fide - fulfil the just expectations of the United States; that our commerce would be exposed, in his ports, to vexatious embarrassments; and that tobacco and cotton would probably not be freely admitted into France. He entertained a different opinion, and, indeed, was confident that the Berlin and Milan Decrees would bona fide cease on the 1st day of November, 1810; and that, from that day, our commercial relations with France would be encumbered with no restrictions or embarrassments whatever. I nevertheless told him, that my impressions were such that I would have a conversation with General Turreau upon the subject, in my interview with him in relation to certificates of origin. In the course of the conversation which thence ensued, I was greatly checked by the evident indications of utter indifference on the part of Mr. Madison. Instead of encouraging, he absolutely discouraged the making of any animadversions upon General Turreau's letter of December 12, 1810. But, irresistibly impelled, as I was, by principle and feelings altogether American, I prepared in reply my letter of December 18, 1810, and laid it before Mr. Madison. Perceiving, upon reading it, that he could not but acquiesce in the sending of it, he merely suggested the expediency of adding to it what might have the effect of preventing the British Government from presuming too much upon the ground taken in the letter.
"This letter of the 18th of December being prominent in the catalogue of offences that had brought upon me the displeasure of Mr. Madison, our fellow-citizens will dispassionately consider whether it ought to be looked at as 'a sin beyond forgiveness."
No. 8 relates to a string of interrogatories proposed to be sent in a letter to Mr. Serrurier, which letter was suppressed by the President, but here follows:
'Sir, Department of State, February 2, 1811.
'Desirous of laying before the President, with the utmost precision, the substance of our conference of this day, and knowing that verbal communications are not unfrequently misunderstood, I consider it proper to propose to you, in a written form, the questions which I have had the honour of submitting to you in conversation, namely:
'1st, Were the Berlin and Milan Decrees revoked in whole or in part on the first day of last November? Or have they, at any time posterior to that day, been so revoked? Or have you instructions from your Government to give to this Government any assurance or explanation in relation to the revocation or modification of these Decrees?
'2d, Do the existing decrees of France admit into French ports, with or without licences, American vessels, laden with the produce of the United States, and under what regulations and conditions?
3d, Do they admit into French ports, with or without licences, American vessels laden with articles not the produce of the United States, and under what regulations and conditions?
'4th, Do they permit American vessels, with or without licences, to return from France to the United States, and upon what terms and conditions?
'5th, Is the importation into France of any articles the produce of the United States absolutely prohibited? And, if so, what are the articles so prohibited? and especially are tobacco and cotton?
'6th, Have you instructions from your Government to give to this Government any assurance or explanation in relation to the American vessels and cargoes seized under the Rambouillet Decree?
'I have the honour to be, &c.
'Mr. Serrurier, &c. R. SMITH."
Our readers will recollect the objection which was taken to the manner in which the British apology for the search of the Chesapeake was received by the American Government. We now first learn, in the following number, that the redress here sustained was the individual act of Mr. Madison:
"9th, In my letter to Mr. Erskine of April 17, 1809, Mr. Madison proposed, and, contrary to my idea of propriety, insisted on, inserting the following paragraph, viz.
"But I have it in express charge from the President to state, that, while he forbears to insist on a farther punishment of the offending officer, he is not the less sensible of the justice and utility of such an example, nor the less persuaded that it would best comport with what is due from his Britannic Majesty to his own honour.'
To be Concluded in our next.


Sept. 23. Schr. Good Intent, Capt. Strickland, from Barbados, Fish, Flour, Butter, &c.
Brig Abeona, . . . Blunt, Portsmouth, N.A., Lumber, Fish, &c.
24. Brig Struggle, . . . Clarkson, ditto, - Lumber, Fish, &c.

23. Schr. Phoenix, . . . Hudson, for Barbados.
Ship Sophia, . . . Hawkins, Trinidad.

DIED - On Sunday morning, at his house in Kingston, W. Hooper, Esq. of the Engineer Department.
G. RAVELY, Master,
Will sail in all the month November, she is well armed and manned, and has good accommodations for passengers. For Freight or Passage apply to the Master on board, or at Bel Air Estate, to
Sept. 24th. JOHN STAUNTON.

STABROEK: Printed and Published
By Edward James Henery.

Created: 22 June 2011   Last modified:     Creator: Wilmer, John Lance    Maintainer: Rodney Van Cooten
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