ESSEQUEBO & DEMERARY ROYAL GAZETTE.
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 24th,
C. N. BOLLERS, Esq. having been elected a Member of the Honble.
Court of Justice of this Colony, in the room of the Honble. J. VAN DEN
PAADEVOORT, was sworn in, and did take his seat in Court at its last Session
Court-House, Stabroek, 21st September, 1811.
P. F. TINNE, Dep. Sec.
23d September, 1811.
FOR the following BILLS OF EXCHANGE drawn by the Deputy Paymaster
General, on the Right Honble. the Paymasters General of His Majesty's Forces,
London, at Thirty Days Sight: -
No. 3319 . . . £ 200.
3320 . . . . 200.
3321 . . . . 200.
3322 . . . . 100.
3323 . . . . 100.
3324 . . . . 100.
3325 . . . . 100.
----- £ 1000 Sterlg.
Tenders in Quadruplicate only, endorsed "Tenders for Bills
of Exchange," will be received at this Office until Monday
next the 30th Inst. at 9 o'Clock in the morning, when they will be opened in presence
of the Officer Commanding His Majesty's Troops, and the highest, if approved,
Assist. Coms. Gen.
23d Sept. 1811.
FOR BILLS OF EXCHANGE to be drawn on the
principal Officers of His Majesty's Ordnance, in London, for £ 1350 Sterling,
at Thirty days' sight, in sums not under £ 50 each. Also the further sum of £
300 for Bills to be drawn on Paymasters of the Royal Artillery and Royal
Engineers, in like manner.
Sealed Tenders for which, endorsed "Tenders for Bills on
the Board of Ordnance," or "On Messrs. Greenwood
& Cox," will be received by the Subscriber till 10 o'Clock in the
Morning on Monday next, the 30th Instant, when they will be opened in the
presence of his Excellency the Governor, or Officer commanding the Troops, and,
if approved, accepted.
C. J. O'HARA,
Ordnance Store-keeper and Paymaster.
The Bills on Messrs. Greenwood & Cox must be paid for in Joes
or Silver Money.
For Sale by the Subscribers,
Prime Newfoundland Cod Fish,
in 3, 4, 6, and 8, Quintal Casks,
Sept. 24th. OWEN KERNAN and Co.
They will give Cash for 30 puncheons Rum.
JUST received by the Brig Claud Scott, J. R. Stroyan, Master, from
Nova Scotia, a choice cargo of Lumber, and a few Black Spruce Spars, of the
first quality, fit for colony-craft, which will be disposed of on reasonable
Cumingsburg, SIMSON, GRANT & Co.
SOME time ago, a Negro Girl, named Sally, of the Mandingo nation,
short, and stout made, with her country marks in her face. Whoever will
apprehend and deliver her to the Subscriber shall receive One Joe reward.
N.B. If she will return of her own accord she shall be forgiven.
A NEW PUNT, 36 feet by 12, laying in the Sluice Trench, in front
of Pl. Vlissingen, for which produce will be taken in payment. Apply to HENEAGE
WILLIAMS, Esq. or to the Subscriber.
Sept. 24th. H. B. FRASER.
TO BE LET,
And Entered on immediately.
THE Premises on Lot No. 11, lately occupied by O. KENRAN [sic
– Kernan] and Co. in America-Street, East of the Vendue Office.
Application for further particulars to be made to
Sept. 24th. WILLIAM GOOD.
HUGH MACKENZIE & Co. have imported in
the Ship Diana, Capt. M'George, from Liverpool and Madeira, the following
goods, which they offer for sale, at their Store, in Robb's Town:
Best London particular Madeira wine, in pipes, hogsheads, and
Temper-lime, in kegs, wood hoops, 10, 11, 12, and 13 feet long
Salt in puncheons and barrels
ALSO ON HAND
Irish linen, white dowlas, Russia sheeting, furniture chintz,
linen and cotton platillas
Long lawns, corded dimity
Pink dotted muslin, dowlas
Marseilles, damask table-cloths
India salempores, green baize
Kerseymere, black sarsnetted cambric
Black bombazeen, cotton cambric
Oznaburghs, linen and cotton checks
Green lawn, musquito netting
Umbrellas, pullicate handkerchiefs
Ladies' straw bonnets
Ditto black silk hats
Superfine blue and black broad-cloths
Ready-made clothes, consisting of coats, coatees, and
round-robbins, assorted colours
Cambric neckcloths, 1/2 and full square
Lined and unlined jackets
Blankets, duck trowsers, and frocks
Kilmarnock caps, seine twine
Hair brooms, garden watering-cans
Block-tin tea-kettles, lanthorns
Hook-and-eye hinges, patent shot
Plated candlesticks, with snuffers and trays, japanned ditto, with
Brass ditto, plated bottle-stands
Wine-cocks, brass cover-plate locks, with knobs complete,
Double and single bolted padlocks
Door and window slip-bolts
Shoe-brushes, saddlery, consisting of gentlemen's hog-skin
saddles, with & without stuffed flaps
Stall-collars, with ropes
Queen's ware, assorted, viz, enamelled quart, pint, and half-pint,
mugs, with or without covers, hand basons and water-ewers
Quart jugs, and chamberpots
Cups and saucers, water-decanters
Bowls, gallon, three, and two quarts
Blue-edged table plates
Glass-ware, carpenters' and coopers' tools, pumps, 5, 6, and 7,
Cabouses, canvas No. 1, 2 & 3
Mast-hoops, blocks, grapnels, and anchors
Silver table spoons & ladles, tea ditto, ivory-handled knives
and forks, with carvers
Paints and paint-oil
Lamp-oil, in jugs and barrels, mill-grease
Square and oval Sandwich trays
Refined sugar, barley
Hoffman's cherry and raspberry brandy
Best old Grenada rum,
&c. &c. &c.
THE Subscribers offer for sale the cargo of the Brig Louisa, Cap.
Cox, from Saint John's, Newfoundland, consisting of
Cod fish, in 8, 6, 4, and 3 puntal [sic]
casks, and white oak staves and heading, for which rum and molasses will be
received in payment, if delivered immediately.
Sep. 24. JAS. H. ALBOUY.
Also an excellent HORSE.
IN Stabroek, on the evening of the 22d
inst. a GOLD WATCH, maker's name CROSTHWAITE, Dublin, having a small Venetian
chain, attached to which was a white cornelian seal, set in gold, with a
Dolphin-crest, under which are the letters C.P.K. also a flat gold key and two
steel ones. As it is an old Family Watch, and goes badly, it will be of little
use to any but the owner. A handsome reward will be given to any one who may
have found it, by applying to the Printer of this Paper. Sept. 24.
[Transcriber's note: no new or modified vendues in this issue.]
is to inform the
that the following
intend quitting this
het Secretary deezer
de volgende Persoonen
voorneemens zyn van hier
elders te vertrekken, viz;
G. Healis, in 14 days, or 6 weeks, from August 7.
A. Simpson, of Plantation Kitty, in 14 days,
or 6 weeks, from . . . . . . . . .
W. Seymour, in 14 days from . . . . . . . . . 22.
W. Hedges, in 14 days or 6 weeks, from . . . 23.
J. Walsh, and two servants, in 14 days or 3 weeks, 31.
E. Walsh, in 14 days . . . . . . . 31.
J. Koene, and his servant Charles, in 14 days from 5 Sept.
H. S. Parsons, do. . . . 11.
J. Smith, do. . . . . . 14.
D. Miller, do. . . . . . 19.
ROBERT PHIPPS, Sworn Clerk.
PURSUANT to an Order of the Honourable Court of Justice of this
Colony, dated 17th of September, 1811, on the petition of the Curators to the
Insolvent Estate of Henry Farley, deceased, and of the Representatives of
Messrs. D. and G. Hall, as holders of the first Mortgage on Plantation Good
These are to notify, that the aforesaid Plantation Good Intent,
situate in Mahayca, with twenty-five slaves, and other appurtenances, will be
sold at public vendue, in the presence of the Commissaries of the Court, on the
8th of November next. Further particulars of the sale to be made known by the
Court-House, Stabroek, this 24th of Sept. 1811.
P. F. TINNE, Dep. Sec.
INGEVOLGE Appointement van den Edele Achtbaare Hove van Justitie
deezer Colonie, d. d. 17 Sept. 1811, op de request van de Curateuren in den
Boedel van wylen Henry Farley, en de Representanten van D. en G. Hall, als
Houders van een Eerste Hypothecq op Pl. Good Intent,
Word hiermeede bekend gemaakt, dat ged. Plantage Good Intent,
geleegen in Mahaica, met een getal van 25 Slaaven en verdere ap en
dependentien, op den 8e November aanstaande, by publieke vendue, ten overstaan
van Heeren Raaden Commissarissen en den Secretaris zal worden verkogt, waar van
nadere advertentie door den Vendue Meester zal worden gedaan.
Actum ten Raadhuise, Stabroek, den 24e Sept. 1811.
P. F. TINNE, Dep. Sects.
Being still without arrivals from Europe, we have nothing of
importance to announce in the present number.
There has been received from America a most singular production:
it is an address to his contrymen [sic] from Mr.
Smith, the late Secretary of State, on his resignation of office in that
country. His work comes in a very practicable shape, both for being understood
generally, and likewise for affording us the means of furnishing a
comprehensive abstract of its contents; inasmuch as the topics on which it
treats are numbered, so that we can copy those of peculiar interest to British
readers, and supply an epitome of the rest.
His introduction explains the motives for his thus addressing his
countrymen, which we subjoin:
"To the people of the United States I owe an exposition of
the circumstances which have produced my resignation of the office of Secretary
of State. This duty, irksome as it is, it is my purpose now to perform. It is
unexpectedly devolved upon me by the irresistible necessity of obviating the
honest misapprehensions of some and the wanton misrepresentations of others.
Constrained, then, as I reluctantly am, to come forth, I have in the outset
only to premise, that this exposition shall be nothing but a brief unvarnished
statement of facts, with the superaddition of only such observations as may occasionally
be necessary to a distinct understanding of the narration. My object is the
vindication of myself: and if, in this vindication, there should be involved
any serious questions as to Mr. Madison, it will only be because such a result
is inevitable. In this undertaking, I have an eye to the storm that I will have
to buffet - a storms that will be excited by the parasites of power; but I, at
the same time, enjoy the consolation of having in my view the American axiom, 'Measures,
and not men;' the distinguishing characteristic of the
independent people of a representative Republic. Besides, it is a truth obvious
to every understanding, and confirmed by universal experience, that, in all
exertions of duty something is to be hazarded.'
"Mr. Madison's offer to me of a
mission to Russia, which he has allowed to be 'of the utmost importance to the
'commerce of the United States, and the most honourable
'appointment abroad that is in the gift of our Government,' is
demonstrative proof of his confidence in me, as to fidelity and as to capacity
in public affairs.
"This offer was accompanied with many observations, in
appearance respectfully made, as to the contrariety of opinion that had
unhappily existed between him and myself with respect to certain measures and
to certain nominations, and in which he seemed to glance,
particularly at the Bills touching our foreign relations, that had been
introduced by Mr. Macon, at the Session of 1809-10, and at the Non-intercourse
law of the last Session. Although this language, in the offer of the mission,
and in the accompanying observations, was not at all offensive, yet there were
indications of embarrassment and awkwardness, that excited in my mind a doubt
as to his real object. Under the influence of this
suspicion, rising from my seat, I, with the decorum due to a President of the
United States, distinctly informed him, that, owing to our different views of
many subjects, I had, some time since, formed a determination to withdraw from
his administration; that I had actually communicated to some of my friends this
determination; and, to accomplish my purpose, I had been only waiting for an
occasion wherein it could be effected without endangering conflicting
agitations among our respective friends; and, in retiring from his room, I
remarked to him, that I would duly consider whether the offer of the mission to
Russia would afford such an opportunity. With inexpressible astonishment,
however, I in a few days learned, that, during the last Session, certain
Members of Congress had been enabled, in returning to their respective homes,
to state, that this identical offer would be made to me with the view of
putting Mr. Munroe in the department of State. This intelligence I, of course,
mentioned, with a becoming indignation, to Mr. Madison, upon his application
afterwards to me for the result of my reflections on the proposed mission. He
immediately, but with evident confusion, protested that he had not, in any
manner whatever, authorized such a report, or even such an idea. I replied,
that I surely ought not to attribute to a President of the United States a
transaction so base; but, as a report of so delicate a character had actually
come forth, my sense of honour could not hesitate a moment in rejecting the
offer of the mission; nor could I, upon the same principle, allow myself, under
such circumstances, to retain my Commission of Secretary of State. I closed the
conversation by remarking, with great composure, that there must have been in
this affair a most shameful intrigue: and, with very great difficulty, I
suppressed the inclination I felt to tell him, that of this intrigue he had
inconsiderately been the dupe.
"The power of a President of the United States to remove any
officer other than a Judge, will not be controverted: nor will any pretension
be set up so absurd as a right to an office. But it is maintained, that this
power cannot, consistently with the genius of our Government, and with the
respect due to the Senate, be exercised, as under an arbitrary despotism, at the
mere caprice of the chief; but that, in every such exercise of power, a
President of the United States must necessarily act upon his own responsibility
to his constituents for the rectitude of his motives. This brings me to the
ground to be examined, namely, the measures alluded to by Mr. Madison, upon
which has been founded his conduct towards me upon this occasion. Each, then,
of the several measures, important or unimportant, in which there has been at
any time, a difference of opinion between us, I will now, unreservedly, in
distinct articles, present to the view of the American people, with a hope,
perhaps delusive, that they will herein find an apology, if not a
justification, in my behalf."
The first head relates to that letter
wherein Mr. Smith demanded of Mr. Erskine, whether he had intimated to the
British Government that an arrangement might be made with America, upon three
specified conditions, to which America would consent, provided the English
withdrew their Orders in Council of January and November, 1807. This letter
appeared in the London paper of January 4, 1810; and Mr. Smith says nothing
more of it than that the President was highly displeased with it.
No. 2 we transcribe:
"2d, There was a serious difference of opinion between Mr.
Madison and myself upon the Bill touching our foreign relations, which was
introduced by Mr. Macon early in the Session of 1809-10. The policy developed
in that Bill became at once a subject of universal disapprobation. Not a word
in its favour was to be found in any print. It was, therefore, most fortunately
not forced upon the nation. In its place, however, was substituted the Act of
May, 1810, which the voice of the people in the expression of their
indignation, called Macon No. 2.
"All that odium, which these two bills had excited throughout
the United States, was, by a certain management, fastened upon Mr. Macon and
others. In these measures, as unwise as humiliating, Mr. Madison was not at all
seen by his constituents. Not a suspicion was entertained that he had any
participation in acts so poorly calculated to effectuate their professed
purpose of avenging the insults, of repairing the injuries, and of maintaining
the rights of the United States. To account, then, for the very acute
sensibility of Mr. Madison as to these two bills, it has become indispensably
necessary to the purpose of this address to draw the mysterious curtain that
had [illegible]rt first entirely, and yet does in part veil these transactions
and to state to my countrymen, that the reprobated Bills, usually called
Macon's Bill No. 1, and Macon's Bill No. 2, were, in fact, the special
contrivance of Mr. Madison himself; that they were his great and efficient
measures of the session; that, instead of being recommended to Congress by the
President himself, as the Constitution has wisely required, they were
severally, through a certain medium, handed to Mr. Macon, to be, it would seem,
by him recommended.
"Of these two measures, which were alike regardless of the
prosperity and of the honour of the United States, I could not permit myself to
be the advocate, and especially as I was well persuaded that the good-sense,
the honourable principle, and the patriotic feelings of my countrymen would
utterly condemn them."
No. 3 states Mr. Smith's objections to the President's message to
Congress, calling upon them to bring forth the resources of the nation for the
purpose "of avenging the insults, of repairing the injuries, and
maintaining the rights, of the United States." This, [illegible] comprising
affairs of neutral policy, we omit.
No. 4 relates, mixed [illegible], to the Non-Intercourse Law of
last Session of Congress, are the supposed repeal of the Berlin and Milan
Decrees. Under this head, Mr. Smith shews, that, even if the Berlin and Milan
Decrees had been repealed, this was not the sole condition upon which the
Non-intercourse was to be suspended towards France; but attached to this was
another, and a most just one, that "a satisfactory pro-
"vision should be made for restoring the property lately
"by the order, or at the instance, of the French
Government." Mr. Smith, however, shews that the Non-intercourse was
withdrawn, by proclamation, against France, at the time "that
"M. Serurrier had officially communicated
the fixed deter-
"mination of his Government not to restore the
"had been seized," and, as to the Berlin and Milan
Decrees, he afterwards pr[illegible]es that they have never been repealed at
all to this day.
No. 5 relates to a matter of domestic policy exclusively, upon
which the President and Secretary differ.
Nos. 6 and 7 are, in relation to England, the most important of
the who[illegible] - They follow:
Sensible, as I ever have been to the insults and injuries which the United
States have received, again and again, from Great Britain, I have, at no time,
been blind to the reiterated outrages of France. And, whatever may have been my
view of the edicts and proceedings of either of these Powers, compared with
those of the other, I, in my discussions with their respective functionaries,
have invariably had my eye steadily on the rights, the interests, and the
honour, of the United States. Never have I felt a disposition to identify my
country with either of the belligerent nations. Never did I abstain from asserting
the rights or from vindicating the honour of the United States, from an
apprehension that either France or Great Britain might thereby be exhibited to
the world in an odious point of view. The following draught of a letter to Gen.
Armstrong was accordingly prepared by me, immediately after the letter of the
D. of Cadore to which it refers, had been received. It was, in the usual form,
laid before the President, for his approbation. He, however, objected to the
sending of it. And, as there is reason to believe that this very letter
constituted part of the ground of the hostility of Mr. Madison to me, it is but
proper to give it publicity:
'Gen. Armstrong, Department of State, June -, 1810.
'Your letters of the -, with their respective inclosures, were received
on the 21st day of May.
'In the note of the Duke of Cadore
nothing can be perceived to justify the seizure of the American property in the
ports of France, and in most of her allies. The facts, as well as arguments,
which it has assumed, are confuted by events known to the world, and
particularly by that moderation of temper which has invariably distinguished
the conduct of this Government towards the belligerent nations. After a
forbearance equalled only by our steady observance of the laws of neutrality,
and of the immutable principles of justice, it is with no little surprise that
the President discerns in the French Government a disposition to represent the
United States as the original aggressor. An act of violence, which, under
existing circumstances, is scarcely less than an act of war, necessarily
required an explanation, which would satisfy, not only the United States, but
the world. But the note of the Duke of Cadore, instead of a justification, has
not furnished even a plausible palliation or a reasonable apology for the
seizure of the American property.
'There has never been a period of time when the United States have
ceased to protest against the British Orders in Council. With regard to the
resistance which the United States may have deemed it proper to oppose such
unlawful restrictions, it obviously belonged to the American Government alone
to prescribe the mode. If a system of exclusion of the vessels and merchandize
of the belligerent powers from our ports has been preferred to war - if
municipal prohibition has been resorted to, instead of invasive retaliation,
with what propriety can the Emperor of the French pretend to see in that method
of proceeding any thing else than a lawful exercise of sovereign power? To
construe the exercise of this power into a cause of warlike reprisal, is a
species of dictation, which, could it be admitted, would have a tendency to
subvert the sovereignty of the United States.
'France has converted our law of exclusion into a pretext for the
seizure of the property of the citizens of the United States. This statute was
also in force against the vessels of Great Britain. If its operation had been
considered by the French Government as of sufficient efficacy to justify this
pretended reprisal, that very operation, as it would have been more severely
felt by Great Britain, ought also to have been considered as constituting a
resistance to her Orders, the nonexistence of which resistance has been stated
by the Duke of Cadore as the pretext for the act of violence exercised on the
American property. The United States having resisted the British Orders, the
real ground of complaint would seem to be, not so much that the American
Government has not resisted a tax on their navigation, as that it has likewise
resisted the French Decrees, which has assumed a prescriptive power over the
policy of the United States, as reprehensible as the attempt of the British
Government to levy contributions on our trade was obnoxious. Placed in a
situation where a tax was proclaimed, on the one hand, and a rule of action,
prescribed, on the other, the United States owed it to their own honour to
resist, with corresponding measures, the cupidity of the one and the
presumption of the other. When the American Government sees in the provisions
of the British Orders an assumption of maritime power, in contravention of the
law of nations, how can it fail also to perceive in the French Decrees the
adoption of a principle equally derogatory and injurious to the neutral
character of the United States?
'The pretension of subjecting American navigation to a tax, as
advanced by the British Order of November, 1807, was in reality withdrawn by
the Order of the 26th of April, 1809. Yet, ten months subsequent to the recal
[sic] of that pretension, its alleged existence is made the basis of reproach
against the American Government by the Emperor of the French. It would be
fruitless to comment upon the disposition to insist upon the prevailing
influence of a fact which no longer exists; which, when it did exist, was
uniformly combated; and the final extinction of which was the manifest
consequence of the measures of this Government.
'If the American Government had seized French vessels, as
erroneously asserted in the note of the Duke of Cadore, the occurrence could
only have been attributed to the temerity of their owners or commanders, who,
after a previous notification, from the 1st of March to the 20th of May, of the
act of exclusion, would have strangely presumed upon impunity in the violation
of a prohibitory municipal law of the United States. Had France interdicted to
our vessels all the ports within the sphere of her influence, and had she given
a warning, of equal duration with that given by our law, there would have been
no cause of complaint on the part of the United States. The French Government
would not then have had the opportunity of exercising its power, in a manner as
contrary to the forms as to the spirit of justice, over the property of the
citizens of the United States.
'It was at all times in the power of France to suspend, with
regard to herself, our acts of exclusion, of which she complains, by simply
annulling or modifying her Decrees. Propositions to this effect have been made
to our Government through you. They were not accepted. On the contrary, a
policy was preferred which was calculated to produce any other result than that
of a good understanding between the two countries. By the Act of Congress of
the last session, an opportunity is again afforded to his Imperial Majesty to
establish the most amicable relations between the United States and France. Let
him withdraw or modify his Decrees; let him restore the property of our
citizens, so unjustly seized; and a law of the United States exists which
authorises the President to promote the best possible understanding with
France, and to impose a system of exclusion against the ships and merchandize
of Great Britain, in the event of her failing to conform to the same just terms
of conciliation. In fine, as the Emperor will now be acquainted with the fact
that no French vessels have been unlawfully seized in the ports of the United
States, as the law of exclusion against the commerce of France is no more in
operation, there can be no longer a solitary reasonable pretext for
procrastinating the delivery of the American property detained by the French
Government into the possession of the respective owners.
'These observations you will not fail to present to the view of
the French Government, in order that the Emperor may learn that the United States
insist upon nothing but their acknowledged rights, and that they still
entertain a desire to adjust all differences with the Government of France,
upon a basis equally beneficial to both nations.
I have the honour to be, &c.
Gen. Armstrong, &c. R. SMITH.'
"Instead of the animadversions contained in the aforegoing
letter, the President directed the insertion of simply the following section in
my letter of the 5th of June, 1810:
'As the "John Adams" is daily expected, and as your
further communications by her will better enable me to adapt to the actual
state of our affairs with the French Government the observations proper to be
made in relation to their seizure of our property, and to the letter of the
Duke of Cadore of the 14th of February, it is by the President deemed expedient
not to make, at this time, any such animadversions. I
cannot, however, forbear informing you, that a high indignation is felt by the
President, as well as by the public, at this act of violence on our property,
and at the outrage, both in the language and in the matter of the letter of the
Duke of Cadore, so justly pourtrayed [sic] in your note
to him of the 16th of March.'
"It is worthy of notice, that the
last sentence of the above section was merely a communication to General
Armstrong, personally, as to the impression made here by that outrage of the
French Government, and that it was not an instruction to him to make the Emperor of the French acquainted with the high
indignation felt on the occasion by the President and by the nation. It simply
shews, that our executive had, at that time, but just resolution enough to
impart to its own Minister the sentiments of
indignation that had been here excited by the enormous outrage of the
Rambouillet Decree, and by the insulting audacity of the Duke of Cadore's
"7th, Previously to the meeting of Congress last autumn, I
expressed to Mr. Madison my apprehension that the Emperor of France would not bona
fide - fulfil the just expectations of the United States; that our
commerce would be exposed, in his ports, to vexatious embarrassments; and that tobacco and cotton
would probably not be freely admitted into France. He
entertained a different opinion, and, indeed, was confident that the Berlin and
Milan Decrees would bona fide cease on the 1st day of
November, 1810; and that, from that day, our commercial relations with France
would be encumbered with no restrictions or embarrassments whatever. I
nevertheless told him, that my impressions were such that I would have a
conversation with General Turreau upon the subject, in my interview with him in
relation to certificates of origin. In the course of the conversation which
thence ensued, I was greatly checked by the evident indications of utter
indifference on the part of Mr. Madison. Instead of encouraging, he absolutely
discouraged the making of any animadversions upon General Turreau's letter of
December 12, 1810. But, irresistibly impelled, as I was, by principle and
feelings altogether American, I prepared in reply my letter of December 18,
1810, and laid it before Mr. Madison. Perceiving, upon reading it, that he
could not but acquiesce in the sending of it, he merely suggested the
expediency of adding to it what might have the effect of preventing the British
Government from presuming too much upon the ground taken in the letter.
"This letter of the 18th of December being prominent in the
catalogue of offences that had brought upon me the displeasure of Mr. Madison,
our fellow-citizens will dispassionately consider whether it ought to be looked
at as 'a sin beyond forgiveness."
No. 8 relates
to a string of interrogatories proposed to be sent in a letter to Mr.
Serrurier, which letter was suppressed by the President, but here follows:
'Sir, Department of State, February 2, 1811.
'Desirous of laying before the President, with the utmost
precision, the substance of our conference of this day, and knowing that verbal
communications are not unfrequently misunderstood, I consider it proper to
propose to you, in a written form, the questions which I have had the honour of
submitting to you in conversation, namely:
'1st, Were the Berlin and Milan Decrees revoked in whole or in
part on the first day of last November? Or have they, at any time posterior to
that day, been so revoked? Or have you instructions from
your Government to give to this Government any assurance or explanation in
relation to the revocation or modification of these Decrees?
'2d, Do the existing decrees of France admit into French ports,
with or without licences, American vessels, laden with the produce of the
United States, and under what regulations and conditions?
3d, Do they admit into French ports, with or without licences,
American vessels laden with articles not the produce of the United States, and
under what regulations and conditions?
'4th, Do they permit American vessels, with or without licences,
to return from France to the United States, and upon what terms and conditions?
'5th, Is the importation into France of
any articles the produce of the United States absolutely prohibited? And, if
so, what are the articles so prohibited? and especially are tobacco and cotton?
'6th, Have you instructions from your Government to give to this
Government any assurance or explanation in relation to the American vessels and
cargoes seized under the Rambouillet Decree?
'I have the honour to be, &c.
'Mr. Serrurier, &c. R. SMITH."
Our readers will recollect the objection which was taken to the
manner in which the British apology for the search of the Chesapeake was
received by the American Government. We now first learn, in the following
number, that the redress here sustained was the individual act of Mr. Madison:
"9th, In my letter to Mr. Erskine of April 17, 1809, Mr.
Madison proposed, and, contrary to my idea of propriety, insisted on, inserting
the following paragraph, viz.
"But I have it in express charge from the President to state,
that, while he forbears to insist on a farther punishment of the offending
officer, he is not the less sensible of the justice and utility of such an
example, nor the less persuaded that it would best comport with what is due
from his Britannic Majesty to his own honour.'
To be Concluded in our next.
Vessels ENTERED and CLEARED.
Sept. 23. Schr. Good Intent, Capt. Strickland, from Barbados,
Fish, Flour, Butter, &c.
Brig Abeona, . . . Blunt, Portsmouth, N.A., Lumber,
24. Brig Struggle, . . . Clarkson, ditto, - Lumber, Fish,
23. Schr. Phoenix, . . . Hudson, for Barbados.
Ship Sophia, . . . Hawkins, Trinidad.
DIED - On Sunday morning, at his house in Kingston, W. Hooper,
Esq. of the Engineer Department.
THE STAUNCH FAST-SAILING ARMED SHIP
G. RAVELY, Master,
Will sail in all the month November, she is well armed and manned,
and has good accommodations for passengers. For Freight or Passage apply to the
Master on board, or at Bel Air Estate, to
Sept. 24th. JOHN STAUNTON.
STABROEK: Printed and Published
EVERY TUESDAY AND SATURDAY AFTERNOON
Edward James Henery.